Southern Poverty Law Center
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| Founded | August 1971 |
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| Tax ID no. | 63-0598743 (EIN) |
| Legal status | 501(c)(3) |
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| Coordinates | 32°22′36″N 86°18′12″W / 32.37667°N 86.30333°W |
Region served | United States |
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Key people | Bryan Fair (interim CEO) Karen Baynes-Dunning (board chair) |
| Revenue | $204,8 million (2024)[1] |
| Expenses | $127,7 million (2024)[1] |
| Endowment | $738,4 million (2024)[1] |
| Website | splcenter.org |
The Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) is an American 501(c)(3) nonprofit legal advocacy organization specializing in civil rights and public interest litigation.[2] Based in Montgomery, Alabama, it is known for its legal cases against white supremacist groups, for its classification of hate groups and other extremist organizations, and for promoting anti-bias education.[3][4]: 1500 The SPLC was founded by Morris Dees, Joseph J. Levin Jr., and Julian Bond in 1971 as a civil rights legal clinic in Montgomery.[5]
In 1980, the SPLC began a strategy of filing civil suits against the Ku Klux Klan for monetary damages on behalf of the victims of its violence.[6] The SPLC also became involved in other civil rights causes, including cases to challenge what it sees as institutional racial segregation and discrimination, inhumane and unconstitutional conditions in prisons and detention centers, discrimination based on sexual orientation, mistreatment of illegal immigrants, and the unconstitutional mixing of church and state. The SPLC has provided information about hate groups to the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and other law enforcement agencies.[7][8]
Since the 2000s, the SPLC's classification and listings of hate groups and anti-government extremists have been widely relied upon by academic and media sources.[9][10][11] The SPLC's listings have also been criticized by those who argue that some of the SPLC's listings are overbroad, politically motivated, or unwarranted.[12][13][14][15][16] In October 2025, FBI director Kash Patel cut the agency's ties with the SPLC after a push to do so from right-wing allies of Republican president Donald Trump.[17][18]
History
The Southern Poverty Law Center was founded by civil rights lawyers Morris Dees and Joseph J. Levin Jr. in August 1971[19] as a legal clinic originally focused on issues such as fighting poverty, racial discrimination and the death penalty in the US. Dees asked civil rights leader Julian Bond to serve as president, a largely honorary position; he resigned in 1979 but remained on the board of directors until his death in 2015.
In 1979, Dees and the SPLC began filing civil lawsuits against Ku Klux Klan chapters and similar organizations for monetary damages on behalf of their victims. The favorable verdicts from these suits served to bankrupt the KKK and other targeted organizations.[20] According to a 1996 article in The New York Times, Dees and the SPLC "have been credited with devising innovative legal ways to cripple hate groups, including seizing their assets."[21] Some civil libertarians have said that the SPLC's tactics chill free speech and set legal precedents that could be applied against activist groups which are not hate groups.[20]
In 1981, the center began its Klanwatch project to monitor the activities of the KKK. That project, later called Hatewatch, expanded to include seven other types of hate organizations.[22]
In 1986, the entire legal staff of the SPLC, excluding Dees, resigned, as the organization shifted from traditional civil rights work toward fighting right-wing extremism.[20] In 1989, the center unveiled its Civil Rights Memorial, which was designed by Maya Lin.[23]
The center's "Teaching Tolerance" project was initiated in 1991.[24]
In 1995, the Montgomery Advertiser won a Pulitzer Prize recognition for work that probed management self-interest, questionable practices, and employee racial discrimination allegations in the SPLC.[25][16]
In 2008, the SPLC and Dees were featured on National Geographic's Inside American Terror explaining their litigation strategy against the Ku Klux Klan.[26]
In 2011, the SPLC was "involved in high-profile state fights",[27] including the battle over Georgia House Bill 87 (HB 87). The SPLC joined with the ACLU, the Asian Law Caucus, and the National Immigration Law Center in June 2011 to file a lawsuit challenging HB 87,[28] which resulted in a 2013 permanent injunction blocking multiple provisions of the law.[29]
In 2013, "Teaching Tolerance" was cited as "one of the most widely read periodicals dedicated to diversity and social justice in education."[30]
In 2016, the SPLC's "ranks swelled" and its "endowment surged" after U.S. President Donald Trump was elected, resulting in the hiring of 200 new employees.[31]
In 2018, the SPLC filed suits related to the conditions of incarceration for adults and juveniles.[32]
In March 2019, Dees was fired. In April, Karen Baynes-Dunning was named as interim president and CEO.[33] After a "tumultuous year", in mid-December 2019, staff at the SPLC voted to unionize, with 142 in favor and 45 against.[27] The SPLC had "long been dogged by accusations of internal discrimination against minority employees, particularly in the area of promotions."[34] A new president and CEO, Margaret Huang, was named in early February 2020.[34]
The SPLC and the ACLU have been involved in "battles over the treatment of inmates in [Alabama's] prisons".[27] They also made an emergency request in April 2020 for the "release of tens of thousands of people in ICE custody" if ICE could not provide protection for vulnerable inmates during the COVID-19 pandemic. The request was filed as part of an existing class-action lawsuit regarding conditions in ICE facilities.[35]
In June 2024, 80 people, representing 25% of the SPLC's workforce, were laid off. In September 2024, 92% of remaining SPLC staffers supported a no-confidence motion against Huang. The workers demanded a reversal of the mass layoff, which they characterized as a union-busting tactic, and the hiring of a new CEO. The chair of the union's bargaining committee called the layoffs "sloppy, dispassionate, inhumane. It has been the absolute opposite of what the organization says they stand for and absolute chaos since then." SPLC leadership dismissed the union's request to remove Huang as CEO.[36] Huang resigned as CEO in July 2025 and was replaced by interim CEO Bryan Fair.[37]
Leadership upheaval amid harassment allegations
In March 2019, the SPLC fired founder Morris Dees for undisclosed reasons and removed his profile from the SPLC website. In a statement regarding the firing, the SPLC announced it would be bringing in an "outside organization to conduct a comprehensive assessment of our internal climate and workplace practices."[38][39][40]
Following the dismissal, a letter signed by two dozen SPLC employees was sent to management, expressing concern that "allegations of mistreatment, sexual harassment, gender discrimination, and racism threaten the moral authority of this organization and our integrity along with it."[41] One former employee wrote that the "unchecked power of lavishly compensated white men at the top" of the SPLC contributed to a culture which made black and female employees the targets of harassment.[16]
A week later, President Richard Cohen and legal director Rhonda Brownstein announced their resignations amid the internal upheaval. The associate legal director Meredith Horton quit, alleging concerns regarding workplace culture.[42] Cohen said, "Whatever problems exist at the SPLC happened on my watch, so I take responsibility for them."[43][44]
Administration
In early February 2020, Margaret Huang, who was formerly the chief executive at Amnesty International USA, was named as president and CEO of the SPLC.[34] Huang replaced Karen Baynes-Dunning, a former juvenile court judge, who had served as interim president and CEO since April 2019, after founder Morris Dees was fired in March 2019.[33] The SPLC had appointed Tina Tchen, a former chief of staff for former first lady Michelle Obama, to review and investigate any issues with the organization's workplace environment related to Dees' firing.[16] Huang resigned in July 2025 and was replaced by interim CEO Bryan Fair.[37]
Fundraising and finances
The SPLC's activities, including litigation, are supported by fundraising efforts, and it does not accept any fees or share in legal judgments awarded to clients it represents in court. Starting in 1974, the SPLC set aside money for its endowment stating that it was "convinced that the day [would] come when non-profit groups [would] no longer be able to rely on support through mail because of posting and printing costs".[45]
The Los Angeles Times reported that by 2017, the SPLC's financial resources "nearly totaled half a billion dollars in assets".[46] In 2023, its endowment was $749 million, its revenue was $170 million, and its expenses totaled $122 million. In 2024, revenue was $204,8 million and expenses were $127,7 million and the group's endowment was $738,4 million.[1]
Prior to his departure in 2019, Dees' role at the center was focused on "donor relations" and "expanding the center's financial resources."[46]
The SPLC's related 501(c)(4) organization, the SPLC Action Fund, formed two political action committees in 2022: New Southern Leaders federal PAC and the New Southern Majority federal Super PAC.[47] The New Southern Leaders PAC spent more than $21,000 in 2023-24, most going to the SPLC Action Fund, which spent more than $1,000,000 in independent expenditures in the 2019-20 election cycle.PAC Profile: SPLC Action Fund
Charity ratings
As of 2023[update], based on figures from Fiscal Year 2022, Charity Navigator rated the SPLC four out of four stars, with an overall score of 99/100 for "Accountability & Finance".[48] The missing point was due to SPLC failing to post a "Donor Privacy Policy" on its website.[48] SPLC's 2022 revenue totaled $140,350,982, and its expenses amounted to $111,043,025.[48] According to Charity Navigator's Historical Ratings, SPLC has earned four-star ratings since 2019.[48]
As of 2023[update], SPLC has earned the GuideStar Gold Seal of Transparency,[49] which is given to organizations that voluntarily share their financials and "highlight their commitment to inclusivity to gain funders' trust and support."[50] SPLC previously earned GuideStar's Platinum Seal of Transparency,[51] but did not retain it.
In 2023[update], CharityWatch initially gave SPLC a grade of B based on its 2021 financials. CharityWatch, however, downgrades all charities that "hoard" donations,[52] which per CharityWatch's definition occurs whenever "a charity's available assets in reserve exceeds three years' worth its annual budget."[53] In particular, CharityWatch automatically "downgrades to an F rating any charity holding available assets in reserve equal to 5 years or more of its annual budget."[53] In accordance with this policy, on 3 February 2023 CharityWatch downgraded SPLC from B to F because it had 7.3 years of available assets in reserve, it spent 68% of its funds on programs, and it cost $20 to raise $100.[54]
The SPLC declined to submit information or be evaluated by the Charity Accountability section of the Better Business Bureau.[55]
Criminal attacks and plots against the SPLC
In July 1983, the SPLC headquarters was firebombed, destroying the building and records.[56] In February 1985, Klansmen Joe M. Garner and Roy T. Downs Jr., along with Klan sympathizer Charles Bailey, pleaded guilty to conspiring to intimidate, oppress and threaten members of black organizations represented by SPLC.[57] The SPLC built a new headquarters building from 1999 to 2001.[58]
In 1984, Morris Dees became an assassination target of the Order, a revolutionary white supremacist group.[59] By 2007, according to Dees, more than 30 people had been jailed in connection with plots to kill him or to blow up SPLC offices.[60]
In 1995, four men were indicted for planning to blow up the SPLC headquarters.[61] In May 1998, three white supremacists were arrested for planning a nationwide campaign of assassinations and bombings targeting Morris Dees and his Southern Poverty Law Center in Alabama, as well as the Simon Wiesenthal Center in Los Angeles, the Anti-Defamation League in New York, an undisclosed federal judge in Illinois and a black radio show host in Missouri.[62]
Notable SPLC civil cases on behalf of clients
The Southern Poverty Law Center has initiated a number of civil cases seeking injunctive relief and monetary awards on behalf of its clients. The SPLC has said it does not accept any portion of monetary judgments.[63][verification needed][64]
Sims v. Amos (1974)
An early SPLC case was Sims v. Amos (consolidated with Nixon v. Brewer) in which the U.S. District Court for the Middle of Alabama ordered the state legislature to reapportion its election system. The result of the decision, which the U.S. Supreme Court affirmed, was that fifteen black legislators were elected in 1974.[65]
Brown v. Invisible Empire, KKK (1980)
In 1979, the Klan began a summer of attacks against civil rights groups, beginning in Alabama. In Decatur, Alabama, Klan members clashed with a group of civil rights marchers. There were a hundred Klan members carrying "bats, ax handles and guns". A black woman, Bernice Brown, was shot and other marchers were violently attacked. In Brown v. Invisible Empire, Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, filed in 1980 in the USDC Northern District of Alabama, the SPLC sued the Invisible Empire, Knights of the Ku Klux Klan on behalf of plaintiffs, Brown and other black marchers.[66] The civil suit was settled in 1990 and "required Klansmen to pay damages, perform community service, and refrain from white supremacist activity."[66] Chalmers wrote in Backfire, that the Klan had been in serious decline since the end of the 1970s. He described the "Klan summer of 1979",[67] as a "catastrophe" for the Klan, due to the SPLC's newly established Klanwatch, which became a "powerful weapon" that "tracked and litigated" the Klan.[6]: 112 According to Chalmers, "[b]eginning with the Decatur street confrontation, the SPLC's Klanwatch began suing various Klans in federal court for civil rights violations", and as a result, the Klan lost credibility and its resources were depleted.[6]: 112 [Notes 1] As a result of the SPLC, the FBI reopened their case against the Klan, and "nine Klansmen were eventually convicted of criminal charges" related to the Decatur confrontation of 1979.[66]
Vietnamese fishermen (1981)
In 1981, the SPLC took Ku Klux Klan leader Louis Beam's Klan-associated militia, the Texas Emergency Reserve (TER),[68] to court to stop racial harassment and intimidation of Vietnamese shrimpers in and around Galveston Bay.[69] The Klan's actions against approximately 100 Vietnamese shrimpers in the area included a cross burning,[70] sniper fire aimed at them, and arsonists burning their boats.[71]
In May 1981, U.S. District Court judge Gabrielle Kirk McDonald[72] issued a preliminary injunction against the Klan, requiring them to cease intimidating, threatening, or harassing the Vietnamese.[73] McDonald eventually found the TER and Beam liable for tortious interference, violations of the Sherman Antitrust Act, and of various civil rights statutes and thus permanently enjoined them against violence, threatening behavior, and other harassment of the Vietnamese shrimpers.[72] The SPLC also uncovered an obscure Texas law "that forbade private armies in that state".[74] McDonald found that Beam's organization violated it and hence ordered the TER to close its military training camp.[74]
Person v. Carolina Knights of the Ku Klux Klan (1982)
In 1982, armed members of the Carolina Knights of the Ku Klux Klan terrorized Bobby Person, a black prison guard, and members of his family. They harassed and threatened others, including a white woman who had befriended blacks. In 1984, Person became the lead plaintiff in Person v. Carolina Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, a lawsuit brought by the SPLC in the United States District Court for the Eastern District of North Carolina. The harassment and threats continued during litigation and the court issued an order prohibiting any person from interfering with others inside the courthouse.[75] In January 1985, the court issued a consent order that prohibited the group's "Grand Dragon", Frazier Glenn Miller Jr., and his followers from operating a paramilitary organization, holding parades in black neighborhoods, and from harassing, threatening or harming any black person or white persons who associated with black persons. Subsequently, the court dismissed the plaintiffs' claim for damages.[75]
Within a year, the court found Miller and his followers, now calling themselves the White Patriot Party, in criminal contempt for violating the consent order. Miller was sentenced to six months in prison followed by a three-year probationary period, during which he was banned from associating with members of any racist group such as the White Patriot Party. Miller refused to obey the terms of his probation. He made underground "declarations of war" against Jews and the federal government before being arrested again. Found guilty of weapons violations, he went to federal prison for three years.[76]: 4 [77]
United Klans of America
In 1987, Dees and Michael Figures won a case against the United Klans of America for the lynching of Michael Donald, a black teenager in Mobile, Alabama.[78][79] The SPLC used an unprecedented legal strategy of holding an organization responsible for the crimes of individual members to help produce a $7 million judgment for the victim's mother.[78] The verdict forced United Klans of America into bankruptcy. Its national headquarters was sold for approximately $52,000 to help satisfy the judgment.[80]
In 1987, five members of a Klan offshoot, the White Patriot Party, were indicted for stealing military weaponry and plotting to kill Dees.[81] The SPLC has since successfully used this precedent to force numerous Ku Klux Klan and other hate groups into bankruptcy.[82]
White Aryan Resistance
On November 13, 1988, in Portland, Oregon, three white supremacist members of East Side White Pride and White Aryan Resistance (WAR) fatally assaulted Mulugeta Seraw, an Ethiopian man who came to the United States to attend college.[83] In October 1990, the SPLC won a civil case on behalf of Seraw's family against WAR's operator Tom Metzger and his son, John, for a total of $12.5 million.[84][85] The Metzgers declared bankruptcy, and WAR went out of business. The cost of work for the trial was absorbed by the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) as well as the SPLC.